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publications of 
The American Academy of Political and Social Science 

No. 590 





















mng 


m 


New 


Politics 


for 


the 


South 






BY 










JAMES W 


GARNER 






Professor of Po 


itical Science, U 


niversit) 


1 of Illinois, Urbana, 


III. 



Reprinted from THE ANNALS of the American Academy 
of Political and Social Science, January, 1910 



PHILADELPHIA 

The American Academy of Political and Social Science 



Price, 25 cents 



mim^ 



The American Academy of Political and 
Social Science. 

The American Academy of Political and Social Science was 
formed In Philadelphia, December 14, 1889, for the purpose of pro- 
moting the study of political and social problems of the present day. 

Besides the general fields of sociology, political science and eco- 
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ing with the more important practical questions of the time, such 
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GIH 

MRS. WOOOnO'.V WILSON 

NOV. 25. J'^jJ 






NEW POLITICS FOR THE SOUTH 



By James W. Garner, 
Professor of Political Science, University of Illinois, Urbana, 111. 



While tlie material and intellectual progress of the South 
during the last quarter of a century has been extraordinary, politically 
it has remained stationary. Its political thought has been that of 
a single party whose sway for the most part has been absolute 
and undisputed. During this time the southern white people 
have exhibited little difference of opinion on the great political 
issues that have divided the people of the rest of the country though 
of course they differ widely among themselves on religious, edu- 
cational and other questions. This unnatural condition of 
I)oIitical sentiment, however, has not always existed in the South. 
In the old days before the civil war when the South held 
the leadership in national affairs, the white people were pretty 
evenly divided among themselves on all political questions upon 
which a natural difference of opinion was possible. In every 
southern state there was a Democratic and a Whig party and each 
rivaled the other in numbers of adherents and respectability of 
character, sometimes one and sometimes the other holding the reins 
of power. In the presidential election of 1840, for example, we find 
the Whigs of Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, 
North Carolina, Kentucky, Tennessee and Virginia in the ascend- 
ancy ; in 1844 we find the Democrats of North Carolina, Kentucky 
and Tennessee carrying their states by slight majorities ; in 1848 
the states of the South were about equally divided between the two 
parties ; in 1852 all of them except Kentucky and Tennessee were 
carried by the Democratic party though everywhere the Whig vote 
was large and respectable. 

During the reconstruction period when both white men 
and negroes voted there was still more or less division among 
the white voters of the South. The extravagance and corruption 
of the reconstructionists, however, finally drove the white people 
to unite solidly against their o])pressors by which means the recon- 
structionists were driven from power and the saturnalia of mis- 

O72) 



^ New I'olitics for the South 173 

rule in the South was ended. From then until now the political 
solidarity of the South has been an established fact. The white 
men of that section have stood together in political matters often 
sacrificing their individual convictions upon questions of national 
politics, in order to prevent the return to power of those who 
oppressed them during the time w^hen they were powerless to resist. 
Since the overthrow of the reconstructionists, therefore, there has 
been practically but one political party in the South, and that a white 
man's party, and there has been but one great issue, namely, the 
maintenance of white supremacy. The mind of the South is always 
made up, and there is never any doubt before a national election as 
to what the result will be. The act of recording their opinions at 
the ballot-box so far as national elections are concerned is nothing 
more than a perfunctory compliance with the forms of the constitu- 
tion, and has no meaning or significance to the South or to the 
country at large. Under such circumstances national elections in 
the South have become pretty much of a farce, not only because 
of the ridiculously small number of the voters who participate in 
them, but because the returns manifestly do not represent the real 
opinions of the voters on the national questions at issue. At the 
presidential election of 1904, for example, only 63,000 votes were 
cast in Louisiana out of a total registered electorate of 326,000. 
In Mississippi at the same election, with a registered vote of 120,000 
only 58,500 voters took the trouble to go to the polls.^ In South 
Carolina the number who voted was but 55,000 and in Florida it was 
but 35,000. 

A national election in the South usually involves no contest and 
hence it is not to be wondered that only a comparatively small part 
of the electors feel enough interest to go to the polls to help swell 
the majority of candidates against whom there is practically no 
opposition. Such a condition of afifairs in a democracy where party 
government and government by discussion are essential principles 
of the constitution is unnatural and unwholesome. It not only 
means the absence of a valuable check which is at once the justifica- 
tion and chief advantage of party government, but it means the 
loss of an important educational benefit which comes from the dis- 
cussion and elucidation of public questions. 

^In the conprosslonnl eloctlons of 1898 only 27,000 votes were cast In the seven 
congressional districts of Mississippi. 



y 



^74 The Annals of the American Academy 

So long as the white people of the South were exposed to the., 
dangers of negro domination they were justified in acting together 
to prevent the return to power of the party which had once 
imposed upon them the incubus of negro rule and which might do 
so again if the opportunity were offered. The motive back of this 
feeling was not that of hatred or revenge but it was the simple 
instinct of self-preservation. Now, however, that the supremacy 
of the white race is fully established and the right of the white 
people to govern is everywhere readily admitted, the excuse for the 
political solidarity of the South on national questions no longer 
exists. In most of the southern states the great mass of the negro 
population has been disfranchised and the people of the entire 
country have acquiesced, to say the least, in the action of the South 
in providing constitutional safeguards against the return of the 
negro to power. Nearly twenty years have elapsed since Missis- 
sippi adopted a constitution which, in effect, took away from the 
negro his political privileges, and although the party which had 
conferred political rights upon him has been in control of the 
national government during most of this period, no serious attempt 
has been made to interfere with the action of the state or to punish 
it by reducing its representation in Congress as the fourteenth 
amendment declares shall be done. Hardly a sincere and 
respectable protest against the disfranchisement of the negro has 
yet been made by the Republican party, and recent events would 
seefm to justify the conclusion that it has virtually abandoned him 
so far as his political rights are concerned. 

The people of the North are now in substantial agreement 
that the South shall be allowed to deal with the negro problem 
in its own wMy so long as the negro is accorded the inherent civil 
rights of person and property to wdiich he is entitled as a human 
being and a citizen. The declarations of the Republican national 
platforms in favor of the strict enforcement of the fourteenth and 
fifteenth amendments, as everybody knows, and as many of the 
Republican leaders themselves frankly admit, are merely for politi- 
cal effect and are not intended to be taken seriously. As Mr. 
Albert Shaw has recently observed in the "Review of Reviews, "=^ 
the Republican party has not the slightest intention of reducing 
the representation of the southern states for disfranchising the 
'Pcconibpr. Ifins, p. fir.o. 



A't'cc' Politics for the South 175 

negro. Mr. Roosevelt, who certainly had a right to speak for the 
Republican party, declared in a letter last November to W. R. 
Meredith, president of the \'irginia Bar Association, "I do not 
believe there is a single individual of any consequence who seriously 
dreams of cutting down southern representation and I should have 
no hesitation in stating anywhere and at any time that as long as 
the election laws are constitutionally enforced without discrimina- 
tion as to color, the fear tiiat southern representation in Congress 
will be cut down is both idle and absurd." The truth is, there is 
hardly a man of note in the North to-day who would, if he could, 
take away the admitted right of the southern states to restrict 
the elective franchise to such of their citizens as in their judgment 
are most fit and capable of exercising it for the public good. Our 
conclusion on this point, therefore, is that the doctrine preached 
by a certain class of politicians that the continued political solid- 
arity of the South is necessary to prevent the Republican party 
from forcing negro rule upon the people of the South has no 
basis upon which to rest and they should not allow themselves 
to be deceived by such demagoguery. It has been settled once 
for all that the South shall be let alone to determine according to 
its own sense of justice and expediency the conditions under 
which political power shall be exercised within its borders and 
the question, therefore, of the right of the white race to govern 
ought to be removed from the domain of political controversy. 
The calm judgment of the fair-minded people of the South must 
be that, on the whole, the attitude of intelligent northerners toward 
the South in its effort to rid itself of a corrupt and ignorant suf- 
frage has in recent years not only not been unreasonable but that, 
on the contrary, it has been marked by a spirit of liberalism, fair- 
mindedness and sympathy. 

Both Presidents McKinley and Roosevelt in fact appointed 
almost as many Democrats as Republicans to important offices in 
the South, and in the great majority of cases where Republicans 
were appointed an honest efifort was made to choose men of char- 
acter who enjoyed the confidence and respect of the people of the 
communities concerned. President Taft is following the same policy, 
yet we sometimes hear such claptrap as that recently attributed 
to one of the Georgia senators that the people of the South are 
still ostracized and treated as aliens by the government at Wash- 



176 The Annals of the American Academy 

ingtoii. It is difficult to believe that the intelligent men of the 
South are capable of being misled by such puerile appeals to their 
passions and prejudices. 

Turning now from the attitude of the North to the actual 
political situation in the South we find that there is hardly a com- 
munity in any southern state in which there is any considerable 
white population where the white people are not in political control. 
Even in the counties of the black belt where the negro population 
sometimes outnumbers the white population in the proportion of 
ten to one and even fifteen to one, with a few exceptions, the local 
offices are all held by white men. With all the millions of negroes in 
the South there is not a black representative in either house of con- 
gress or in any state legislature ; not one holds a state office and, 
except in a few towns inhabited almost wholly by negroes, there are 
practically none holding local offices. The truth is the negro is virtu- 
ally out of politics in the South. Many thousands of those who might 
register as voters feel no interest in the elections or at least not 
enough to comply with the conditions required of voters. Practically 
everywhere the white race is in control and it will continue to remain 
in control. No one knows this better than the negro himself and 
it is not too much to say that he has accepted this situation as one 
of the inexorable facts of his existence. If the white people of the 
South exercise their power of control wisely and justly it can be 
perpetuated to the end of time without protest or interference on 
the part of the country at large or indeed without serious opposi- 
tion from the black race itself. The question of white supremacy 
therefore is no longer a living issue and as a subject of political 
discussion it may be safely relegated to the limbo of oblivion. The 
problem of the extent and quality of the education which the negro 
should have, how his efficiency as a laborer and his usefulness as 
a citizen may be increased, how his criminal instincts may be 
curbed and his respect for law and authority increased, are, how- 
ever, problems which the South must still meet and solve but they 
are not national political issues upon which the southern people 
must vote at every national election or which should be allowed to 
absorb their whole thought to the exclusion of other questions. 
The time has come when the people of the South should cease to 
allow themselves to be frightened by what President Taft has called 
the specter of negro domination and should begin to express their 



Nczv Politics for the South 177 

sentiments on the living issues of the time rather than upon 
questions which are settled and from which only harm can result 
by their continued agitation. The South ought to free itself from 
the thralldom of a single issue and give more consideration to the 
great economic and political questions which divide the people of 
the rest of the country and with which their own progress and 
welfare are bound up. 

The principal argument against the division of the white voters 
of the South into two political parties is, that it would pave the way 
for the return of the negro to power. But the facts hardly justify 
such a conclusion. Prior to the Civil War when the Whigs and 
Democrats of the South were almost equally divided upon the 
question of the bank, the tariff, internal improvements and other 
great national issues, they stood solidly together on the slavery 
question, with the result that the Abolition party never gained any 
headway in the South. Is it not natural to suppose that the white 
men of the South can vote differently upon issues which divide 
the people of the North and the West and yet remain united on the 
question of the political status of the negro? Does it follow 
that if they should differ among themselves as to the wisdom of 
territorial expansion, the desirability of a protective tariff, the 
advantages of a particular monetary system or the expediency of 
subsidizing the merchant marine they must also divide on the ques- 
tion of political rights for the negro? There is no good reason 
why they cannot be divided on economic issues as the fingers of the 
hand, to use a figure employed by Booker Washington, and yet 
remain united as the hand itself on the question of white supremacy. 

It seems to me that there is a place in the South for a politi- 
cal party with other issues than the race question — a party which 
will make itself the exponent of some of the living, economic and 
educational questions of the time and fight its battles upon construc- 
tive, progressive policies of vital interest to the development and 
prosperity of the South rather than upon the old issues growing 
out of the civil war and the reconstruction period. We have had 
quite enough agitation of dead issues by small politicians whose 
chief stock in trade is the negro question in some form or 
other and too little wholesome discussion of economic and indus- 
trial issues of practical interest to the people of the South and 
the country at large. We have lately seen in the South the 



178 The Annals of the American Academy 

upgrowth of a new school of politicians who have risen to power 
largely through the exploitation of the race issue. Instead of pro- 
posing and championing constructive policies of live interest to the 
people of their states they have appealed mainly to the passions and 
prejudices of the masses by indiscriminate abuse of the negro, by 
dwelling upon his brutality, criminality and mental inferiority, by 
denouncing the Republican party for its sins and mistakes in the 
past and by recounting and often magnifying the evils and humilia- 
tions of the reconstruction period and thus keeping alive and per- 
petuating old animosities that had better be forgotten. We have 
recently seen an unimportant political campaign in one of the 
southern states conducted almost entirely on issues of this kind, 
issues that were not real and natural but were injected into the 
contest largely because they were capable of being turned into 
political capital. 

In several other Southern States the question of the negro in 
one form or another has recently been an important if not the lead- 
ing issue, and it is well known that more than one southern man in 
public life to-day has attained his honors largely through the suc- 
cessful exploitation of the negro question though in no instance was 
it a natural or real issue. 

There is a tendency among the southern people, and especially 
among the southern politicians, to become obsessed with the idea that 
there is only one great, vital and fundamental question of interest to 
the South and that the question of the negro. As a southerner, view- 
ing the situation from the outside, it seems to me that the people of 
the South are in danger of allowing themselves to be completely 
absorbed by this single issue when in reality as a subject of political 
controversy it belongs to the past rather than the present. There is 
also a disposition, it seems to me, among many southern people to 
exaggerate the peculiar conditions and problems of the South, to 
fancy that what is expedient and good for the rest of the country is 
not wise or suitable for them and that in many respects the South 
must be treated differently from the North and West. The Reverend 
John E. White, of Atlanta, in a recent discussion of this question 
says: 

As long as we struggled for that which was good for everybody every- 
where, we moved with Providence and the South led the van. There were 
great human concerns involved in the building up of the republic. The whole 



y 



A't'ct' Politics for the South 179 

world was interested in it. It was a work ennobling to a people— the inspira- 
tion of a great national usefulness. The disaster began when the South began 
to think only for itself — begar* to have only one problem. Monomania is a 
disease. This is the final fact, though other causes were contributory to it. 
This is the false note in southern life. The question for safe and sound 
citizenship, then, is the question of getting ourselves free from the thrall of 
one issue and of interesting the people in matters that stimulate life and that 
generate moral and intellectual energy. What I ask you, and what I wish 
every though ful southern man to consider is whether the Negro question 
is a fair price for southern progress— whether there are not for us and our 
children other and' greater benefits which are endangered by our absorption 
in it? It is whether the Negro question is great enough to make a great 
people? 

I have been much of my life intimate with average southerners — the 
people in the country sections — and I have marked it that this average man 
responds at once to the idea that we would be better off. everything would be 
better off, if we were less absorbed in this one question. There is an 
unorganized and undeveloped moral instinct in the South that it is an 
unhealthy, unprofitable business. Now, for ten years the South has had a 
flood of agitation on the Negro problem. Let us take stock and see 
where we are. We are less fit to think straight and feel true on the subject 
than we were ten years ago. Mentally and morally, we are less capable of 
statesmanship on the subject than we were.* 

I a.c^ree with Mr. White that the South ou.c^ht to free itself from the 
thralldom of a sinj^le issue and devote more of its energies to the solu- 
tion of the living problems which really confront its people. I have 
sometimes thought that if the time and talent expended by the news- 
papers and public speakers of the South in discussing such matters 
as the Booker Washington and Minnie Cox "incidents" had been 
devoted to a consideration of such questions as the conservation of 
the resources of the South, the improvement of its schools or some 
other question of real importance, the result would 'have been much 
more beneficial to its people. It has always seemed to me that the 
amount of attention bestowed upon such matters in the South is out 
of all proportion to their importance and that there is too little 
wholesome discussion by its public men of larger questions of vital 
interest to the people. 

The solidity of the South politically and the persistency with 
which it has clung to the negro issue to the virtual neglect of other 
and more important questions has produced a.somewhat unusual and 
unnatural condition of affairs in that part of the country. In the 

•Thp "South Atlantic Quartorly," Vol. V. p. 106. 



i8o The Annals of the American Academy 

first place the southern mind has allowed itself to become so 
engrossed with the negro question that it has to a certain extent 
become incapable of clear and unbiased thinking upon economic 
and other questions of interest to the South and the country at 
large. Absorption by a single question has a natural tendency to 
obscure the vision, weaken the sense of perspective and to unfit one 
for sound and wholesome consideration of other questions. The 
political intolerance which necessarily results from the feeling that 
the solidity of the South must be preserved in political matters has 
tended to deaden the higher intellectual activities of the people and 
to create an atmosphere unfavorable to the development of an 
independent and vigorous constructive statesmanship among its 
public men. It has frequently been observed of late that the South 
has not produced a really great statesman during the last genera- 
tion. Too many of the southern leaders live on theories and on the 
past. The South has lately been reproached by some of its own 
distinguished men* for allowing itself to become the chosen home 
of nearly every political and economic vagary known to the country 
and too often when its natural leaders have asserted their inde- 
pendence and refused to champion popular heresies and fallacies, 
tlicy have been retired to private life. The careers of John G. 
Carlisle, Roger Q. Mills, Thomas C. Catchings, John L. McLaurin 
and others might be cited as examples in illustration of this point. 
As I now write some newspapers of the South are denouncing 
as a traitor the present Secretary of War, a distinguished southerner 
of whose character and attainments the whole South may well be 
proud, because, on a notable occasion, he recently expressed the 
opinion that it was better for the South that the cause for which it 
contended during the Civil War was lost. As long as the South 
encouraged independence of political thinking, as long as it thought 
nationally on the great questions of the day and refused to be 
absorbed by a single issue it had great leaders, thousands of north- 
ern people followed them and helped the South to elect Presidents 
and Vice-Presidents, and enabled it to play a part and exert an influ- 
ence in national affairs worthy of its great place in the Union. But 
of late years the southern democracy, as ex-Senator McLaurin, of 
South Carolina, well says, "has become mongrelized by an infusion of 

* For example by Professor Trent, Mr. Walter II. PaRO, editor of '•The World's Work," ex- 
Senator McLaurin of South Carolina and President Alderman of the University of VirRinia. 



Nczi.' Politics for the South i8i 

Tillmanism, X'ardamanisni, populism, socialism and other 'isms,' " it 
has persisted in clinging to old issues that ought to be abandoned and 
forgotten or to others which do not interest the people of the rest of 
the country ; it has in short refused to adapt its political thought and 
action to the new and changed economic conditions under which 
the people now live. Under such circumstances thousands of people 
in other parts of the country whose natural sympathies are with 
the Democratic party and who would act with it if it were abreast 
of the times are now voting with the Republican party in national 
elections. In recent years we have seen the people of Massachusetts, 
Minnesota, Ohio, Rhode Island and Indiana voting by large majori- 
ties in favor of Democratic governors yet voting by still larger 
majorities for the Republican national ticket. Some states indeed 
which have not voted for a Democratic President in forty years now 
have Democratic governors anfl other state officials. 

I venture the opinion that if the Democratic party of the South 
were to rid itself of the vagaries of which ex-Senator McLaurin 
speaks, turn its back upon the old issues growing out of the Civil 
War and reconstruction period, and take up the advocacy of sound 
constructive progressive policies in which the South and the country 
at large have a real interest not many years will elapse before we 
shall see it in power at Washington. But until that is done the Demo- 
cratic party will probably continue to pursue a forlorn hope. To-day 
it is almost without a representative from the North in the Senate of 
the United States to champion its policies, while political effacement 
of the South in national affairs is well nigh complete, though its 
material and intellectual power has been vastly increased. Candor 
compels me to believe that there is a good deal of truth in the recent 
statement of President Taft at Greensboro, N. C, that "if the south- 
ern people had kept up with the times, had they at the ballot-box 
expressed their sentiments on the living issues of the day instead of 
allowing themselves to be frightened by a specter and a shadow of 
the past, their political importance as communities and the signifi- 
cance of their views upon measures and men would have been vastly 
enhanced." His assertion that the South has been kept solid by the 
"bogey" of negro domination and by the success of the politicians 
in stirring up and keeping alive race prejudice and by keeping the 
people in a state of alarm over an impossible return of the condi- 
tions of the reconstruction days is a truth too widely admitted to 
require argument. 



i82 The Annals of the American Academy 

The late Senator L. O. C. Lamar, in a notable address at Jack- 
son, Miss., in 1875, following the overthrow of the reconstruc- 
tionists in that state, predicted that the negro question had been elim- 
inated from the domain of political controversy and that henceforth 
the southern people would be free to turn their attention to the 
great economic questions that were then demanding their considera- 
tion. But within recent years we have seen all other questions in 
Lamar's state give way to a discussion of the negro, in a campaign 
characterized by a spirit of bitterness and radicalism never before 
seen in Mississippi since the days of reconstruction. I am certain 
that had Lamar been living the great weight of his influence 
would have been thrown against the revival and agitation of the 
old issues which he thought were settled and forgotten. Nothing 
but harm to the South can come from this revival of race agitation. 
It not only tends to alienate from the support of the Democratic 
party people of the North who are naturally Democratic in their 
sympathies and traditions, but it serves to irritate the public mind 
of the South, keep alive and perpetuate old animosities, arouse dis- 
trust and hatred, unsettle business conditions, array the white and 
black races against each other, keep desirable immigrants out of the 
South and retard clear and wholesome political thinking, through the 
injection of false issues into the politics of the South. The asser- 
tion of certain politicians that the repeal of the fifteenth amend- 
ment is necessary to the perpetuity of white supremacy in political 
matters and the preservation of peace and harmony between the 
white and black races is nothing but the cheapest demagoguery while 
the social equality and negro domination fears arc. as I have said, 
the merest "bogies" from which the people of the South no longer 
have anything to dread. 

Fortunately the signs indicate a growing change of sentiment 
in the South. The number of men who are moved by appeals to 
their passions and prejudices is growing smaller and the discon- 
tent with the economic doctrines of the new Democracy is spread- 
ing throughout the South. Many thoughtful southerners are 
growing tired of voting on dead issues or for principles that are 
repugnant to their honest convictions. What Senator Tillman has 
stigmatized as the "commercial democracy" of ex-Senator 
McLaurin has far more supporters than appears on the surface, 
and some day it will have to be reckoned with. The tremendous 



Ai-x*.' Politics for the South 183 

industrial growth of the South and particularly the rise of manu- 
facturing have created conditions with which the Tillman brand 
of democracy is out of harmony. The recent debates in Congress 
over the tariff question and the attitude of many southern members 
show that the Democratic doctrine that a protective tariff is rob- 
bery and a fraud is losing much of its old time sanctity. Likewise 
the sacrosanctness of the old doctrine of states rights has lately 
suffered a terrible blow. In recent years we have seen the South 
supporting with enthusiasm a federal quarantine law, federal regu- 
lation of railway traffic, federal inspection of slaughter houses, 
federal pure food legislation, what amounts to a federal prohibition 
law and other national measures which a few years ago would have 
been opposed on the ground that they involved an infringement upon 
the reserved rights of the states. Finally, the election returns indicate 
that the people of the South are beginning to show a greater inde- 
pendence in their political thinking and in their voting at national 
elections. I have before me as I write the official returns of the presi- 
dential election of 1908 in Alabama, which show that Taft carried six 
counties in that state and that in as many more counties the vote 
was almost equally divided between him and Bryan. In Arkansas 
and Florida he received more than one-third of the popular vote, 
in Georgia considerably more than one-half as many votes as Bryan ; 
he carried Maryland ; received only some 20,000 votes less than 
Bryan in North Carolina out of a total of 251,000; in Tennessee 
only 17,000 less than Bryan out of a total of 253,000; in Virginia 
only 30,000 less and in Kentucky only about 9,000 less out of a 
total of 480,000. 

The signs would .seem to indicate, therefore, that the new democ- 
racy is losing its hold upon the people of the South, and unless 
it finds new issues in the near future the political solidarity of the 
South will be a thing of the past. I agree with the president of the 
University of Virginia that in time there will be a "rebirth of party 
government" in the South and that "two or more parties repre- 
senting the intelligence and patriotism of these states will divide 
and consider issues on their merits." and that some day "southern 
men will win the presidency because they will incarnate the thing 
people desire a President for." 



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City Life and Progress 

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Lessons of the Financial Crisis 

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The Improvement of Labor Conditioos In the 
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Labor and Wages 

American Waterways 

Regulation of the Liquor Traffic 

Conservation of Natural Resources 

Chinese and Japanese in America 
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